Contact Information: Elizabeth Totman (212) 637-3662, totman.elizabeth@epa.gov or Brenda Reyes (787) 977-5869, reyes.brenda@epa.gov
(New York, NY) The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has signed a proposed federal facility inter-agency agreement (FFA) with several agencies and jurisdictions for the cleanup work on the Island of Vieques in the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. The proposed agreement is between EPA, the U.S. Department of Navy, U.S. Department of the Interior, and the Commonwealth. The agencies will take input from the public on the agreement for 45 days and make any necessary adjustments before finalizing it.
“Work has been proceeding at the site, but reaching an agreement with all the parties involved is a significant milestone,” said Regional Administrator Alan J. Steinberg. “The federal government agencies and the Commonwealth are on the same page on how we will move forward, and that will undoubtedly help in cleaning up this site to the benefit of all involved.”
The agreement requires that the environmental impacts associated with past and present activities on Vieques be thoroughly investigated and that the appropriate actions are taken in order to protect the surrounding community and the environment. The agreement will facilitate cooperation, exchange of information, and participation of all the parties involved.
“The Department of the Navy is committed to completing the cleanup of Vieques Island to support its intended future uses,” said Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Donald R. Schregardus. “Completion of this Federal Facility Agreement marks a major milestone in defining the process by which the Navy will work in partnership with EPA, the Department of the Interior, and the Commonwealth to achieve our common goals.”
Carlos W. Lopez Freytes, President of the Puerto Rico Environmental Quality Board, said, “The Agreement represents an achievement for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico because it guarantees the involvement of the Environmental Quality Board, as co-regulators, on the decision-making process of the cleanup. Our agency is truly committed to having an active participation in order to ensure that the concerns of the community of Vieques are addressed, the local regulations are followed and the cleanup is fair and comprehensive.”
Unexploded ordnance and remnants of exploded ordnance, which contain hazardous substances, have been identified in the former range areas of the eastern portion of the Vieques site, as well as in the surrounding waters. Extensive work has been performed to assess the conditions at the Vieques site as a whole, and today’s proposed agreement lays out the process for further investigation and cleanup.
"We are proud to be part of this team of professionals cleaning up lands in Vieques and restoring the natural environment," said Sam Hamilton, Southeast Regional Director for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. "It is our responsibility to ensure that the refuge is cleared of contaminants and hazards that could pose a threat to wildlife, residents, staff or visitors. We will continue to work with the community and our fellow agencies in this monumental effort."
The U.S. Navy began using Vieques, in conjunction with Roosevelt Roads Naval Station on mainland Puerto Rico, in the early years of World War II, as a base for Allied fleets. Land was acquired in the eastern and western portions of Vieques between 1941 and 1943, with further acquisitions occurring during the late 1940s.
On the western portion of Vieques, the Navy operated an ammunition facility until1948, when the facility ceased operations. It was reactivated in 1962 until its final closure in 2001. Later in that year, the Navy transferred 3,100 acres to the Department of Interior, 4,000 acres to the Municipality of Vieques, and 800 acres to the Puerto Rico Conservation Trust.
The Navy also managed approximately 14,600 acres on the eastern portion of Vieques, which were used for amphibious training exercises and air-to-ground maneuvers. This portion of the island included a waste explosive detonation range, which was operated for many years in support of its training activities. Military training on the eastern section of Vieques ceased in 2003 when the Navy transferred that portion to the Department of the Interior.
In February 2005, the Vieques Island site was placed on EPA’s National Priorities List (NPL), which aims to guide the EPA in determining which sites warrant further investigation. The NPL is a list of the most hazardous waste sites in the country.
For a copy of the proposed agreement, to send comments to EPA about the agreement, or for more information on Vieques, visit http://www.epa.gov/region02/vieques/
07-114
Thursday, September 27, 2007
Mistake costs dishwasher $59,000
Guatemala native Pedro Zapeta a dishwasher in the U.S. for 11 years
From John Zarrella and Patrick Oppmann
CNN
MIAMI, Florida (CNN) -- For 11 years, Pedro Zapeta, an illegal immigrant from Guatemala, lived his version of the American dream in Stuart, Florida: washing dishes and living frugally to bring money back to his home country.
Two years ago, Zapeta was ready to return to Guatemala, so he carried a duffel bag filled with $59,000 -- all the cash he had scrimped and saved over the years -- to the Fort Lauderdale-Hollywood International Airport.
But when Zapeta tried to go through airport security, an officer spotted the money in the bag and called U.S. customs officials.
"They asked me how much money I had," Zapeta recalled, speaking to CNN in Spanish.
He told the customs officials $59,000. At that point, U.S. customs seized his money, setting off a two-year struggle for Zapeta to get it back.
Zapeta, who speaks no English, said he didn't know he was running afoul of U.S. law by failing to declare he was carrying more than $10,000 with him. Anyone entering or leaving the country with more than $10,000 has to fill out a one-page form declaring the money to U.S. customs.
Officials initially accused Zapeta of being a courier for the drug trade, but they dropped the allegation once he produced pay stubs from restaurants where he had worked. Zapeta earned $5.50 an hour at most of the places where he washed dishes. When he learned to do more, he got a 25-cent raise.
After customs officials seized the money, they turned Zapeta over to the Immigration and Naturalization Service. The INS released him but began deportation proceedings. For two years, Zapeta has had two attorneys working pro bono: one on his immigration case, the other trying to get his money back.
"They are treating me like a criminal when all I am is a working man," he said.
Zapeta's story became public last year on CNN and in The Palm Beach Post newspaper, prompting well-wishers to give him nearly $10,000 -- money that now sits in a trust.
Robert Gershman,one of Zapeta's attorneys, said federal prosecutors later offered his client a deal: He could take $10,000 of the original cash seized, plus $9,000 in donations as long as he didn't talk publicly and left the country immediately.
Zapeta said, "No." He wanted all his money. He'd earned it, he said.
Now, according to Gershman, the Internal Revenue Service wants access to the donated cash to cover taxes on the donations and on the money Zapeta made as a dishwasher. Zapeta admits he never paid taxes.
CNN contacted the U.S. Attorneys office in Miami, U.S. Customs and the IRS about Zapeta's case. They all declined to comment.
Marisol Zequeira, an immigration lawyer, said illegal immigrants such as Zapeta have few options when dealing with the U.S. government.
"When you are poor, uneducated and illegal, your avenues are cut," he said.
On Wednesday, Zapeta went to immigration court and got more bad news. The judge gave the dishwasher until the end of January to leave the country on his own. He's unlikely to see a penny of his money.
"I am desperate," Zapeta said. "I no longer feel good about this country."
Zapeta said his goal in coming to the United States was to make enough money to buy land in his mountain village and build a home for his mother and sisters. He sent no money back to Guatemala over the years, he said, and planned to bring it all home at once.
At Wednesday's hearing, Zapeta was given official status in the United States -- voluntary departure -- and a signed order from a judge. For the first time, he can work legally in the U.S.
By the end of January, Zapeta may be able to earn enough money to pay for a one-way ticket home so the U.S. government, which seized his $59,000, doesn't have to do so.
http://www.cnn.com/2007/US/09/27/immigrant.money/index.html
From John Zarrella and Patrick Oppmann
CNN
MIAMI, Florida (CNN) -- For 11 years, Pedro Zapeta, an illegal immigrant from Guatemala, lived his version of the American dream in Stuart, Florida: washing dishes and living frugally to bring money back to his home country.
Two years ago, Zapeta was ready to return to Guatemala, so he carried a duffel bag filled with $59,000 -- all the cash he had scrimped and saved over the years -- to the Fort Lauderdale-Hollywood International Airport.
But when Zapeta tried to go through airport security, an officer spotted the money in the bag and called U.S. customs officials.
"They asked me how much money I had," Zapeta recalled, speaking to CNN in Spanish.
He told the customs officials $59,000. At that point, U.S. customs seized his money, setting off a two-year struggle for Zapeta to get it back.
Zapeta, who speaks no English, said he didn't know he was running afoul of U.S. law by failing to declare he was carrying more than $10,000 with him. Anyone entering or leaving the country with more than $10,000 has to fill out a one-page form declaring the money to U.S. customs.
Officials initially accused Zapeta of being a courier for the drug trade, but they dropped the allegation once he produced pay stubs from restaurants where he had worked. Zapeta earned $5.50 an hour at most of the places where he washed dishes. When he learned to do more, he got a 25-cent raise.
After customs officials seized the money, they turned Zapeta over to the Immigration and Naturalization Service. The INS released him but began deportation proceedings. For two years, Zapeta has had two attorneys working pro bono: one on his immigration case, the other trying to get his money back.
"They are treating me like a criminal when all I am is a working man," he said.
Zapeta's story became public last year on CNN and in The Palm Beach Post newspaper, prompting well-wishers to give him nearly $10,000 -- money that now sits in a trust.
Robert Gershman,one of Zapeta's attorneys, said federal prosecutors later offered his client a deal: He could take $10,000 of the original cash seized, plus $9,000 in donations as long as he didn't talk publicly and left the country immediately.
Zapeta said, "No." He wanted all his money. He'd earned it, he said.
Now, according to Gershman, the Internal Revenue Service wants access to the donated cash to cover taxes on the donations and on the money Zapeta made as a dishwasher. Zapeta admits he never paid taxes.
CNN contacted the U.S. Attorneys office in Miami, U.S. Customs and the IRS about Zapeta's case. They all declined to comment.
Marisol Zequeira, an immigration lawyer, said illegal immigrants such as Zapeta have few options when dealing with the U.S. government.
"When you are poor, uneducated and illegal, your avenues are cut," he said.
On Wednesday, Zapeta went to immigration court and got more bad news. The judge gave the dishwasher until the end of January to leave the country on his own. He's unlikely to see a penny of his money.
"I am desperate," Zapeta said. "I no longer feel good about this country."
Zapeta said his goal in coming to the United States was to make enough money to buy land in his mountain village and build a home for his mother and sisters. He sent no money back to Guatemala over the years, he said, and planned to bring it all home at once.
At Wednesday's hearing, Zapeta was given official status in the United States -- voluntary departure -- and a signed order from a judge. For the first time, he can work legally in the U.S.
By the end of January, Zapeta may be able to earn enough money to pay for a one-way ticket home so the U.S. government, which seized his $59,000, doesn't have to do so.
http://www.cnn.com/2007/US/09/27/immigrant.money/index.html
Wednesday, September 26, 2007
Bolivian President Evo Morales on Indigenous Rights, Climate Change, Iraq,
Bolivian President Evo Morales on Indigenous Rights, Climate Change, Iraq,
Establishing Diplomatic Relations with Iran, Che Guevara's Legacy and More
Democracy Now!
September 26, 2007
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/26/1442242
AMY GOODMAN: Today, a Democracy Now! special: We spend the hour with Evo
Morales, the first indigenous president of Bolivia. He traveled to New York
this week, where he's scheduled to speak before the United Nations General
Assembly today. On Monday, he addressed a high-level UN meeting on climate
change, during which he accused what he called "predatory capitalism" of
affecting the environment.
Evo Morales first spoke before the UN General Assembly last year, where he
dramatically brandished a coca leaf and vowed never to yield to US pressure
to criminalize coca production. Morales's rise to power began with his
leadership of the coca growers union in Bolivia and his high-profile
opposition to the US-funded eradication of the coca crop. He helped to lead
the street demonstrations by Indian and union groups that toppled the
country's last two presidents.
An Aymara Indian, Evo Morales became the country's first indigenous
president when he was elected nearly two years ago with more popular support
than any Bolivian leader in decades. Since then, he has moved to nationalize
Bolivia's oil and gas industry and is seeking a new constitution that would
grant more power to Bolivia's indigenous majority.
Today, we spend the hour with Evo Morales, talking about indigenous rights,
biofuels, the Iraq war, establishing diplomatic relations with Iran, and the
enduring legacy of Che Guevara on Latin America. Democracy Now!'s Juan
Gonzalez and I sat down with President Morales at the Bolivian mission here
in New York. I began by asking President Morales what his message is this
year to the UN General Assembly.
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Last year was our first experience, my
first time at the United Nations, as well as my first time in the United
States. And as the coca leaf stands for and is symbolic of the struggle of
the peoples for land and for their sovereignty, so last time I was here, it
was my responsibility to talk about how it is that I came to become
president of Bolivia.
But today, the most important thing is to talk about the changes that we're
forging in democracy through this cultural and democratic revolution in my
country and at the same time share my enormous concern and to talk about
things that are not just a regional or a local problem, but a global
problem, and that's the environment.
JUAN GONZALEZ: One of the things that has happened, changes, obviously, is
that just a few days ago, more than a week ago, the United Nations General
Assembly passed an important declaration in terms of indigenous rights.
Article 34, specifically, says that indigenous peoples have rights to
promote, develop and maintain their institutional structures and their
customs. How important is this to Bolivia in the current writing of the new
constitution that you're involved in now?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, we'd like to salute, thank
and recognize the countries of the world that approved and voted for this
Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, just as fifty, sixty years
ago, the United Nations for the first time recognized the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. And it's only now, over 500 years later, that
indigenous people's rights are being recognized. Happily, there were only a
few countries that didn't support this declaration.
And so, I want to say to the indigenous peoples, but also to the other
peoples who live in the cities, that this is a very important thing that the
struggle for indigenous people's rights has not been in vain. And it was
very important to get organized to mobilize. It took over twenty years, but,
working together, people were able to do this, to approve this declaration
and establish that we are people that have rights just like anyone else on
earth.
In some cases, it will be to recognize the rights of minorities in some
countries, this declaration. In my country, it's to make sure that the
majority is respected, and it will be respect for their institutions, for
their structures. And this is an important contribution to unity within our
country, but not because we have a declaration behind us recognized by the
United Nations. It's important that, even though this declaration exists,
that doesn't mean that we, as the majority, are going to be vengeful or use
this as the majority.
I want you all to know, through the means of communication like yourself, I
want the people of the United States and the people of the world to
understand that the indigenous movement is not vengeful. We want to live
together, respecting the difference and the diversity that we have. Some of
the people in our country, when they saw that this declaration that came out
that's not just a declaration recognizing indigenous peoples, but also right
to land, to self-determination, they think that we're going to take a
vengeful attitude, and I'm here to say never.
AMY GOODMAN: What do you think the message was of the four countries that
voted no: Canada, New Zealand, Australia and the United States?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] It will be important for not the
countries, but the people who lead those countries, their ambassadors, their
leaders, to reflect and to embrace a recognition of indigenous people's
rights. I'm convinced that indigenous peoples are the moral reserve of
humanity. So amongst indigenous peoples, there's not a mentality of being
individualist, personalist or egotistical, and therefore there's not an
attitude of trying to take over resources and control them for themselves.
How nice it would be if those four countries, or better, for the presidents
of those four countries, and along with the social forces, and especially
the indigenous peoples, join together to save humanity.
JUAN GONZALEZ: But in practical terms, implementing this in your country is
obviously creating many issues. You have thirty-six different nationalities
among the native people. And the battle now, the constitutional battle over
whether you're going to have provincial autonomy or autonomy for these
indigenous nations, how will that work itself out?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, dialogue and concerting,
coming together. You're right, though, when you recognize that there are
some small groups in my country that still don't recognize exclusion and
racism as it exists in our country. And that's why I call on the countries
that not only supported this declaration, but also the countries that didn't
support this declaration, to come together and move forward to recognizing
indigenous people's rights, but without excluding anyone.
My government will guarantee departmental or state-level autonomies, but
also local-level autonomies and indigenous people's autonomies. A lot will
depend on the specificities of these different regions. Sometimes there will
be regional autonomies and local autonomies; sometimes there will be
regional autonomies, as well as indigenous autonomies. And we'll have to
figure out how these different autonomies are going to work together. When
we made our initial demands as indigenous, original peoples, there were
people who reacted to and rejected our demands. But I want to tell these
people now -- and some people are originally from a place that dates back to
a thousand years, some are much more contemporary, but we all have to learn
how to live together.
AMY GOODMAN: Bolivian President Evo Morales. We'll come back to our
conversation in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our conversation with the president of Bolivia,
Evo Morales. He's addressing the United Nations General Assembly today. On
Monday, he addressed a high-level UN meeting on climate change. Over eighty
world leaders attended; President Bush did not. In it, Evo Morales spoke in
his speech on Monday about referring to the need to prevent industrialized
nations with their gas emissions from continuing harming the planet.
Democracy Now!, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with President Morales at the
Bolivian mission. Juan asked President Morales about the issue of biofuels.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you about the message that you're going to be
bringing to the United Nations, as well, over the issue of the use of
agricultural products for biofuels, that clearly in Brazil President Lula
has a different perspective. He is promoting the use of biofuels. What is
your perspective on this issue?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] From the time that biofuels were first
talked about, we've seen a spiraling process of speculation of land. There's
a whole speculation on grains like wheat, not only at the regional level
within countries, but also internationally. So, therefore, the cost of
agricultural products rises. And this is a product of that moment from
which, going forward, people have been talking about biofuels.
And personally, in our movement, as well, we're convinced that agricultural
products should not be dedicated, directed towards automobiles, cars, and
that lands be dedicated towards old rusted vehicles. First to people, before
automobiles. And that's our difference.
And we want to debate this, but we don't want to debate it just as
governments or presidents. We want to debate with our peoples, with the
social forces in our countries, and I would even dare to say, at the South
American regional level, submit this to a referendum of the peoples of South
America and let the people say yes or no to different biofuels. This is
something I've learned from Subcomandante Marcos, from his messages -- that
is, to govern obeying the people. That means to govern, but respecting the
different proposals that social forces put on the table, because sometimes
when a proposal is put on the table between presidents, arguments arise, and
this can even generate confusion amongst people sometimes. And that's why I
consider it to be very important that people decide with their votes in a
referendum about what the future biofuels is going to be. That would be the
most democratic thing.
AMY GOODMAN: Mr. President, you've just established diplomatic relations
with Iran. When the Iranian President Ahmadinejad leaves the United Nations
General Assembly, New York, this week, he will first go to Bolivia. Why did
you establish diplomatic relations?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, it's important our peoples
are from the culture of dialogue, so we have diplomatic relations with the
United States, we have diplomatic relations with Cuba, just as we have
diplomatic relations with France and with Iran, but, above all, diplomatic
relations for life, for humanity, for peace with social justice.
In my country, we're going to be opening commercial and diplomatic relations
to establish relationships of complementarity so that we can resolve the
social and economic problems that we confront. We're never going to
establish diplomatic relations to wage aggression or to hurt or to declare
wars or to get involved in arms races. We're not of the culture of death.
Moreover, I respect the technology, the industrial development in the area
of gas and oil in Iran, and that's what we've seen as interesting, that we
can work together on these issues. And I'd like to agree with you. We
haven't ever thought about other issues in our relations. As far as I know,
it's not a country that's sending troops to end other people's lives in
other countries. And I admire Cuba very much, for example, which sends
people to other countries to help save lives.
AMY GOODMAN: Just to follow up on that point, has the United States weighed
in? Has the United States responded to your diplomatic relations with Iran?
And what do you think of the US talking about perhaps attacking Iran?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] The United States, nor any other
country, can observe or comment or have anything to say about the
relationships that we have with any other countries. We're a small country,
but we're a sovereign country with dignity, with the right to establish
relations with whoever we want. If the United States government reacts, if
they would have reacted, it would suggest that they are still thinking that
Latin American countries need to be subordinate to the United States. But
happily, in Latin America, there are countries with democracies that are
liberating democracies, not subordinate democracies.
AMY GOODMAN: Your vice president has denounced US funding of rightwing think
tanks in Bolivia as intervening in internal affairs of your country.
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Former ministers and vice minister of
the government of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, who, as you know, escaped to
the United States, and the former President Banzer, who, may he rest in
peace, as well as former President Tutu Quiroga, these former ministers are
financed through foundations, NGOs, to create this counterweight to the
government of Evo Morales. It's impressive. And what we're asking for is
that all international cooperation be transparent, that it come through
formally the central government.
AMY GOODMAN: What are those groups pushing for?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, these neoliberals, the
rightwing organizations, the ones who sold out the country, as we say in
Bolivia, is to exhaust the image of Evo Morales especially. And so, if they
have objected, if they want to exhaust Evo Morales, it's to be done with the
government of Evo Morales. And these things circulated on the internet, then
pamphlets, [inaudible]; verbatim they say, "We have to overthrow this Indian
(and leave that blank)," because I can't repeat those words on the radio.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you about the student protests that broke out
recently there and the continuing battle over writing a new constitution.
It's been more than thirteen months, and the Constituent Assembly, I
understand, now is going to start meeting again. But the battle, especially
over this issue of the capital for Bolivia, what is the significance of the
battle over whether Sucre or La Paz should be the capital of Bolivia?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Bolivia was founded in 1825, and the
people who were participating, they were only 8% of the population; they
were all mestizos or criollos. But who fought for the independence from
Spain? It was that other 92%; it was the indigenous peoples. So we proposed
to re-found the country, indigenous peoples, non-indigenous peoples,
professional peoples, nonprofessional peoples, but to transform the country.
Therefore, there are sectors that are seeking to undermine or make sure that
the Constituent Assembly fails.
The enemies of this deep structural transformation that we're pursuing, some
of them have entered, are members of the Constituent Assembly, and they've
been working from the very beginning, when the Constituent Assembly started
on 6th of August, 2006, to undermine the process through the demand for
two-thirds, the demand for autonomy, and now the demand to move the capital
of the country.
This issue of where the capital is going to be located is not a national
issue. It's not a problem for the government. It's an issue for just two
departments. And there are families that don't love their country and who
are not working for the majorities, who are working for those people who
have not been respected, the indigenous majorities, they're talking about
where the capital is going to be located as a tool to shut down the
Constituent Assembly.
But what are we working for? What are we betting on? First, as the
government and also as the indigenous movement, to make sure that the
Constituent Assembly concludes successfully. It's the best way to find
unity, equality and justice, to forge that in my country.
And I would like to remember the words of a businessman, actually, from
Bolivia. What did he say before the Constituent Assembly? "I'd rather have
rocks in my door than bullets." What does that mean? That I would rather
have these sorts of popular demonstrations and protests happening than a
civil war, a fighting war with bullets.
And now, so that we have neither the protests nor the shooting war with
bullets, we're pursuing this deep structural transformation through a
democratic process, which is the Constituent Assembly. How are we doing
this? Through the creation of writing a new constitution for the country.
Of course, it's going to be difficult to have equality, but to make those
differences between people smaller is possible. Early in the process, only
weeks into the process, they said that Evo Morales was not going to respect
private property. That was another attack, another attempt to undermine and
cause the Constituent Assembly to fail. With the powerful people above, what
we're trying to do is lift up the people, the humble people, from below,
through using the strategic natural resources that we have to put them on a
more equal footing.
And the other thing that they can't accept is, how is it that what they call
the Indians, that they feel for the country and they're working for their
people and that this Indian is governing well? This is something they can't
tolerate. Two facts: the last time that Bolivia had a budget surplus was in
the 1960s during a boom, a tin boom, and we've been over sixty years always
with a fiscal deficit. Last year, for the first time, in my first year of
government, we have a budget surplus, and Bolivia's international reserves
never were more than $1 billion. And this year we're approaching $5 billion
in international reserves. And the modification of the hydrocarbons gas and
oil law, which cost us blood, thereafter the nationalization of gas and oil,
has allowed Bolivia to improve our revenues, the revenues for the country.
An example: in 2005, Bolivia only received $300 million -- $300 million in
2005 in revenues from state gas and oil, and this year we're going to be
receiving more than $2 billion in revenues from gas and oil. And this is
something they can't accept.
A political class, for them, government was business. It was enrichment.
What they can't accept is that our corruption in Bolivia has been declining.
In the past, Bolivia was considered in the number two position in terms of
the championship for the most corrupt country. Many international
institutions have recognized that corruption is on the decline in Bolivia.
And what these groups don't accept is that this -- what they call an
"Indian" can change Bolivia, bring dignity to Bolivia.
And in this situation, some sectors are talking about the re-election of Evo
Morales, and so this is something that would have to be become
constitutionally permitted. But what do the right, the neoliberal, the
opposition, say to this? And they say we can negotiate anything, but not the
re-election of this Indian. This is the problem. It's not a problem of where
the capital of the country is located. And, of course, they never liked
groups like the ones that you make reference to that will travel from Santa
Cruz to Sucre to agitate, to stir up these issues.
AMY GOODMAN: Bolivian President Evo Morales. We'll return to the conclusion,
where he talks about the war in Iraq and the legacy of Che Guevara. Stay
with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our conversation with the Bolivian President Evo
Morales. The Bolivian Supreme Court recently asked the government to start
extradition proceedings for the former Bolivian President Gonzalo Sanchez de
Lozada, who lives here in the United States in Miami. They also asked for an
order for him not to be allowed to go to another country, but to be sent
back to Bolivia. I asked President Morales what the former president is
guilty of and whether he thinks the United States will extradite him.
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, the United States cannot,
should not receive, protect delinquents from any part of the world. It is
unconscionable that the United States, a democratic country, would be
protecting international criminals like Posada Carriles. The process has to
do with two issues: first of all, human rights, and second of all, for
economic damages done to the state. So people who massacre peoples, that
violate human rights and do economic damage to countries and their economies
have to go to jail. The United States shouldn't be sitting there waiting for
a process to be put into motion, but rather should kick these people out so
that they can be submitted to justice.
I hope the United States respects these norms and respects the decision of
our Supreme Court. But here, we have an experience. The last military
dictator was sent to jail. And since that time, in Bolivia, no member of the
military dares to threaten a coup d'etat. Likewise, any democratic
government that violates human rights, that massacres people or that does
economic damage to the state should also be subject to these sorts of
processes, and their leaders should be put in jail, so that they never dare
to do it again either.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you said a few moments ago that you'd rather
have protesters throwing rocks than using guns. In a few weeks, it will be
the fortieth anniversary of the death of Che Guevara. He died in Bolivia.
Looking back at it -- you were a child then -- what is your sense of the
legacy of Che Guevara to the people of Latin America?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, in the '40s, in the '50s,
in the '60s -- of course, when I hadn't been born yet -- my first perception
was that people rose up in arms to struggle against the empire. Now, I see
quite the opposite, that it's the empire that's raising up arms against the
peoples. What I think is that back then, that the peoples, they got
organized and struggled, looking for justice, for equality. And now I think
that these transformations, these structural transformations, are being
forged through democracies.
And from these two points of view, Che Guevara continues to be a symbol of
someone who gave his life for the peoples, when in Bolivia and in other
countries around the world reigned military dictatorships. So that's why
it's amazing to see that all over the world Che Guevara is still there,
forty years later. But now, we're living in other times. But to value and
recognize that thinking, that struggle, and if we recognize and we value it,
that doesn't mean it means to mechanically follow the steps that he took in
terms of military uprising.
And that's where, for example, I respect Fidel Castro. In 2003, I was
invited to a conference in Havana, Cuba. And Fidel said the following:
"Don't do what I've done. Do what Chavez is doing: transformations through a
constituent assembly." I think it was a good teaching, because we've seen
the constituent assemblies in Venezuela, in Ecuador and now in Bolivia, as
well, that through democracy we can achieve structural transformations.
AMY GOODMAN: What is the effect of the war on Iraq in Latin America, in
Bolivia, in particular?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] There is a feeling that leads to the
rejection, the repudiation of the United States government. This
intervention of the United States in Iraq helps anti-imperialist thinking
and feeling to grow. The pretext of fighting against terrorism and for
security, with this pretext, they intervene and create all these deaths. But
there are also other issues, economic issues, underlying it. I feel that
we're in a times of not looking to how to extinguish lives, but rather how
to save lives.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you about the issue of global warming. It's
become a major increasing discussion in many governments and around the
world. From the perspective of the indigenous people of Bolivia, the future
of the planet? And what policies must be adopted, especially by the
industrialized countries?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] So if globalization does not admit
difference and pluralism, if it's a selective globalization, therefore it
will be almost impossible to resolve environmental issues and save humanity.
The most important contribution that indigenous peoples can make is to live
in harmony with Mother Earth. We say the "Mother Earth," because the earth
gives us life, and neither the Mother Earth nor life can be a commodity. So
we're talking about a profound change in the economic models and systems.
AMY GOODMAN: Several years ago, Father Roy Bourgeois and others who founded
the anti-School of the Americas movement at Fort Benning, Georgia, asked
that -- came and visited you in the palace and asked that Bolivia not send
soldiers to train at the -- what used to be called the School of the
Americas, a place where Banzer, the dictator, had trained. Other countries
are considering this ban. I think Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, Costa Rica
have said they won't send soldiers. Will Bolivia?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] So, it's not just a question of not
sending people. Perhaps it would be better to shut the School of the
Americas. But I understand it's also part of the survival and continuation
of [inaudible] and to create a certain interventionist mindset.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you perhaps a delicate question. You
mentioned earlier your admiration for Fidel Castro. Fidel, before he stepped
down, had been president for more than forty years, before he stepped down
from day-to-day administration in the Cuban government. President Chavez now
has been in office for two terms and is seeking to change the law to
maintain himself in office. Do you think that the leader of a country, no
matter how progressive, should have a limited amount of time in power?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] To put those kinds of limits may not be
the most democratic. Here, what's important is the conscience of a people.
And so, our proposal, there has to be a way to revoke leadership roles, but
also to ratify leadership, and this is for mayors, for governors, for
regional leaders, as well as for presidents. If they have the support of the
people, then they have every right to be ratified in power. And mayors,
governors and presidents, they can also be revoked, their mandates can be
revoked before they finish their terms, if that's the will of the people. In
fact, I'm seeing at this point that, through ratifying and returning people
to power, it actually becomes an incentive for them to do a good -- and
continue to do a good and better job in their municipalities at the
departmental levels in the positions that they hold, because the people have
valued their work, and that's why they're ratified. But when they are not
ratified, they take advantage of that fact, and they say, "OK, I'm on my way
out the door, so now is the time to steal, as my mandate is ending."
AMY GOODMAN: What is your assessment of President Bush?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Why would I have to evaluate President
Bush? I respect your country. One concern that I have is that in Iran -- in
Iraq, the massacre of the people cannot continue. I think that this is
something that not only affects President Bush, but affects all the North
American people. I think that in this new millennium, we fundamentally
should be oriented towards saving lives and not ending lives. The
differences continentally between countries, between regions, these should
be discussed. And if there's not agreements between governments and their
presidents, why not submit these issues to the peoples to be decided upon?
This would be the best way to do democracy now.
AMY GOODMAN: Bolivian President Evo Morales. He speaks today to the UN
General Assembly.
Establishing Diplomatic Relations with Iran, Che Guevara's Legacy and More
Democracy Now!
September 26, 2007
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/26/1442242
AMY GOODMAN: Today, a Democracy Now! special: We spend the hour with Evo
Morales, the first indigenous president of Bolivia. He traveled to New York
this week, where he's scheduled to speak before the United Nations General
Assembly today. On Monday, he addressed a high-level UN meeting on climate
change, during which he accused what he called "predatory capitalism" of
affecting the environment.
Evo Morales first spoke before the UN General Assembly last year, where he
dramatically brandished a coca leaf and vowed never to yield to US pressure
to criminalize coca production. Morales's rise to power began with his
leadership of the coca growers union in Bolivia and his high-profile
opposition to the US-funded eradication of the coca crop. He helped to lead
the street demonstrations by Indian and union groups that toppled the
country's last two presidents.
An Aymara Indian, Evo Morales became the country's first indigenous
president when he was elected nearly two years ago with more popular support
than any Bolivian leader in decades. Since then, he has moved to nationalize
Bolivia's oil and gas industry and is seeking a new constitution that would
grant more power to Bolivia's indigenous majority.
Today, we spend the hour with Evo Morales, talking about indigenous rights,
biofuels, the Iraq war, establishing diplomatic relations with Iran, and the
enduring legacy of Che Guevara on Latin America. Democracy Now!'s Juan
Gonzalez and I sat down with President Morales at the Bolivian mission here
in New York. I began by asking President Morales what his message is this
year to the UN General Assembly.
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Last year was our first experience, my
first time at the United Nations, as well as my first time in the United
States. And as the coca leaf stands for and is symbolic of the struggle of
the peoples for land and for their sovereignty, so last time I was here, it
was my responsibility to talk about how it is that I came to become
president of Bolivia.
But today, the most important thing is to talk about the changes that we're
forging in democracy through this cultural and democratic revolution in my
country and at the same time share my enormous concern and to talk about
things that are not just a regional or a local problem, but a global
problem, and that's the environment.
JUAN GONZALEZ: One of the things that has happened, changes, obviously, is
that just a few days ago, more than a week ago, the United Nations General
Assembly passed an important declaration in terms of indigenous rights.
Article 34, specifically, says that indigenous peoples have rights to
promote, develop and maintain their institutional structures and their
customs. How important is this to Bolivia in the current writing of the new
constitution that you're involved in now?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, we'd like to salute, thank
and recognize the countries of the world that approved and voted for this
Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, just as fifty, sixty years
ago, the United Nations for the first time recognized the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. And it's only now, over 500 years later, that
indigenous people's rights are being recognized. Happily, there were only a
few countries that didn't support this declaration.
And so, I want to say to the indigenous peoples, but also to the other
peoples who live in the cities, that this is a very important thing that the
struggle for indigenous people's rights has not been in vain. And it was
very important to get organized to mobilize. It took over twenty years, but,
working together, people were able to do this, to approve this declaration
and establish that we are people that have rights just like anyone else on
earth.
In some cases, it will be to recognize the rights of minorities in some
countries, this declaration. In my country, it's to make sure that the
majority is respected, and it will be respect for their institutions, for
their structures. And this is an important contribution to unity within our
country, but not because we have a declaration behind us recognized by the
United Nations. It's important that, even though this declaration exists,
that doesn't mean that we, as the majority, are going to be vengeful or use
this as the majority.
I want you all to know, through the means of communication like yourself, I
want the people of the United States and the people of the world to
understand that the indigenous movement is not vengeful. We want to live
together, respecting the difference and the diversity that we have. Some of
the people in our country, when they saw that this declaration that came out
that's not just a declaration recognizing indigenous peoples, but also right
to land, to self-determination, they think that we're going to take a
vengeful attitude, and I'm here to say never.
AMY GOODMAN: What do you think the message was of the four countries that
voted no: Canada, New Zealand, Australia and the United States?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] It will be important for not the
countries, but the people who lead those countries, their ambassadors, their
leaders, to reflect and to embrace a recognition of indigenous people's
rights. I'm convinced that indigenous peoples are the moral reserve of
humanity. So amongst indigenous peoples, there's not a mentality of being
individualist, personalist or egotistical, and therefore there's not an
attitude of trying to take over resources and control them for themselves.
How nice it would be if those four countries, or better, for the presidents
of those four countries, and along with the social forces, and especially
the indigenous peoples, join together to save humanity.
JUAN GONZALEZ: But in practical terms, implementing this in your country is
obviously creating many issues. You have thirty-six different nationalities
among the native people. And the battle now, the constitutional battle over
whether you're going to have provincial autonomy or autonomy for these
indigenous nations, how will that work itself out?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, dialogue and concerting,
coming together. You're right, though, when you recognize that there are
some small groups in my country that still don't recognize exclusion and
racism as it exists in our country. And that's why I call on the countries
that not only supported this declaration, but also the countries that didn't
support this declaration, to come together and move forward to recognizing
indigenous people's rights, but without excluding anyone.
My government will guarantee departmental or state-level autonomies, but
also local-level autonomies and indigenous people's autonomies. A lot will
depend on the specificities of these different regions. Sometimes there will
be regional autonomies and local autonomies; sometimes there will be
regional autonomies, as well as indigenous autonomies. And we'll have to
figure out how these different autonomies are going to work together. When
we made our initial demands as indigenous, original peoples, there were
people who reacted to and rejected our demands. But I want to tell these
people now -- and some people are originally from a place that dates back to
a thousand years, some are much more contemporary, but we all have to learn
how to live together.
AMY GOODMAN: Bolivian President Evo Morales. We'll come back to our
conversation in a minute.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our conversation with the president of Bolivia,
Evo Morales. He's addressing the United Nations General Assembly today. On
Monday, he addressed a high-level UN meeting on climate change. Over eighty
world leaders attended; President Bush did not. In it, Evo Morales spoke in
his speech on Monday about referring to the need to prevent industrialized
nations with their gas emissions from continuing harming the planet.
Democracy Now!, Juan Gonzalez and I sat down with President Morales at the
Bolivian mission. Juan asked President Morales about the issue of biofuels.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you about the message that you're going to be
bringing to the United Nations, as well, over the issue of the use of
agricultural products for biofuels, that clearly in Brazil President Lula
has a different perspective. He is promoting the use of biofuels. What is
your perspective on this issue?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] From the time that biofuels were first
talked about, we've seen a spiraling process of speculation of land. There's
a whole speculation on grains like wheat, not only at the regional level
within countries, but also internationally. So, therefore, the cost of
agricultural products rises. And this is a product of that moment from
which, going forward, people have been talking about biofuels.
And personally, in our movement, as well, we're convinced that agricultural
products should not be dedicated, directed towards automobiles, cars, and
that lands be dedicated towards old rusted vehicles. First to people, before
automobiles. And that's our difference.
And we want to debate this, but we don't want to debate it just as
governments or presidents. We want to debate with our peoples, with the
social forces in our countries, and I would even dare to say, at the South
American regional level, submit this to a referendum of the peoples of South
America and let the people say yes or no to different biofuels. This is
something I've learned from Subcomandante Marcos, from his messages -- that
is, to govern obeying the people. That means to govern, but respecting the
different proposals that social forces put on the table, because sometimes
when a proposal is put on the table between presidents, arguments arise, and
this can even generate confusion amongst people sometimes. And that's why I
consider it to be very important that people decide with their votes in a
referendum about what the future biofuels is going to be. That would be the
most democratic thing.
AMY GOODMAN: Mr. President, you've just established diplomatic relations
with Iran. When the Iranian President Ahmadinejad leaves the United Nations
General Assembly, New York, this week, he will first go to Bolivia. Why did
you establish diplomatic relations?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, it's important our peoples
are from the culture of dialogue, so we have diplomatic relations with the
United States, we have diplomatic relations with Cuba, just as we have
diplomatic relations with France and with Iran, but, above all, diplomatic
relations for life, for humanity, for peace with social justice.
In my country, we're going to be opening commercial and diplomatic relations
to establish relationships of complementarity so that we can resolve the
social and economic problems that we confront. We're never going to
establish diplomatic relations to wage aggression or to hurt or to declare
wars or to get involved in arms races. We're not of the culture of death.
Moreover, I respect the technology, the industrial development in the area
of gas and oil in Iran, and that's what we've seen as interesting, that we
can work together on these issues. And I'd like to agree with you. We
haven't ever thought about other issues in our relations. As far as I know,
it's not a country that's sending troops to end other people's lives in
other countries. And I admire Cuba very much, for example, which sends
people to other countries to help save lives.
AMY GOODMAN: Just to follow up on that point, has the United States weighed
in? Has the United States responded to your diplomatic relations with Iran?
And what do you think of the US talking about perhaps attacking Iran?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] The United States, nor any other
country, can observe or comment or have anything to say about the
relationships that we have with any other countries. We're a small country,
but we're a sovereign country with dignity, with the right to establish
relations with whoever we want. If the United States government reacts, if
they would have reacted, it would suggest that they are still thinking that
Latin American countries need to be subordinate to the United States. But
happily, in Latin America, there are countries with democracies that are
liberating democracies, not subordinate democracies.
AMY GOODMAN: Your vice president has denounced US funding of rightwing think
tanks in Bolivia as intervening in internal affairs of your country.
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Former ministers and vice minister of
the government of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, who, as you know, escaped to
the United States, and the former President Banzer, who, may he rest in
peace, as well as former President Tutu Quiroga, these former ministers are
financed through foundations, NGOs, to create this counterweight to the
government of Evo Morales. It's impressive. And what we're asking for is
that all international cooperation be transparent, that it come through
formally the central government.
AMY GOODMAN: What are those groups pushing for?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, these neoliberals, the
rightwing organizations, the ones who sold out the country, as we say in
Bolivia, is to exhaust the image of Evo Morales especially. And so, if they
have objected, if they want to exhaust Evo Morales, it's to be done with the
government of Evo Morales. And these things circulated on the internet, then
pamphlets, [inaudible]; verbatim they say, "We have to overthrow this Indian
(and leave that blank)," because I can't repeat those words on the radio.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you about the student protests that broke out
recently there and the continuing battle over writing a new constitution.
It's been more than thirteen months, and the Constituent Assembly, I
understand, now is going to start meeting again. But the battle, especially
over this issue of the capital for Bolivia, what is the significance of the
battle over whether Sucre or La Paz should be the capital of Bolivia?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Bolivia was founded in 1825, and the
people who were participating, they were only 8% of the population; they
were all mestizos or criollos. But who fought for the independence from
Spain? It was that other 92%; it was the indigenous peoples. So we proposed
to re-found the country, indigenous peoples, non-indigenous peoples,
professional peoples, nonprofessional peoples, but to transform the country.
Therefore, there are sectors that are seeking to undermine or make sure that
the Constituent Assembly fails.
The enemies of this deep structural transformation that we're pursuing, some
of them have entered, are members of the Constituent Assembly, and they've
been working from the very beginning, when the Constituent Assembly started
on 6th of August, 2006, to undermine the process through the demand for
two-thirds, the demand for autonomy, and now the demand to move the capital
of the country.
This issue of where the capital is going to be located is not a national
issue. It's not a problem for the government. It's an issue for just two
departments. And there are families that don't love their country and who
are not working for the majorities, who are working for those people who
have not been respected, the indigenous majorities, they're talking about
where the capital is going to be located as a tool to shut down the
Constituent Assembly.
But what are we working for? What are we betting on? First, as the
government and also as the indigenous movement, to make sure that the
Constituent Assembly concludes successfully. It's the best way to find
unity, equality and justice, to forge that in my country.
And I would like to remember the words of a businessman, actually, from
Bolivia. What did he say before the Constituent Assembly? "I'd rather have
rocks in my door than bullets." What does that mean? That I would rather
have these sorts of popular demonstrations and protests happening than a
civil war, a fighting war with bullets.
And now, so that we have neither the protests nor the shooting war with
bullets, we're pursuing this deep structural transformation through a
democratic process, which is the Constituent Assembly. How are we doing
this? Through the creation of writing a new constitution for the country.
Of course, it's going to be difficult to have equality, but to make those
differences between people smaller is possible. Early in the process, only
weeks into the process, they said that Evo Morales was not going to respect
private property. That was another attack, another attempt to undermine and
cause the Constituent Assembly to fail. With the powerful people above, what
we're trying to do is lift up the people, the humble people, from below,
through using the strategic natural resources that we have to put them on a
more equal footing.
And the other thing that they can't accept is, how is it that what they call
the Indians, that they feel for the country and they're working for their
people and that this Indian is governing well? This is something they can't
tolerate. Two facts: the last time that Bolivia had a budget surplus was in
the 1960s during a boom, a tin boom, and we've been over sixty years always
with a fiscal deficit. Last year, for the first time, in my first year of
government, we have a budget surplus, and Bolivia's international reserves
never were more than $1 billion. And this year we're approaching $5 billion
in international reserves. And the modification of the hydrocarbons gas and
oil law, which cost us blood, thereafter the nationalization of gas and oil,
has allowed Bolivia to improve our revenues, the revenues for the country.
An example: in 2005, Bolivia only received $300 million -- $300 million in
2005 in revenues from state gas and oil, and this year we're going to be
receiving more than $2 billion in revenues from gas and oil. And this is
something they can't accept.
A political class, for them, government was business. It was enrichment.
What they can't accept is that our corruption in Bolivia has been declining.
In the past, Bolivia was considered in the number two position in terms of
the championship for the most corrupt country. Many international
institutions have recognized that corruption is on the decline in Bolivia.
And what these groups don't accept is that this -- what they call an
"Indian" can change Bolivia, bring dignity to Bolivia.
And in this situation, some sectors are talking about the re-election of Evo
Morales, and so this is something that would have to be become
constitutionally permitted. But what do the right, the neoliberal, the
opposition, say to this? And they say we can negotiate anything, but not the
re-election of this Indian. This is the problem. It's not a problem of where
the capital of the country is located. And, of course, they never liked
groups like the ones that you make reference to that will travel from Santa
Cruz to Sucre to agitate, to stir up these issues.
AMY GOODMAN: Bolivian President Evo Morales. We'll return to the conclusion,
where he talks about the war in Iraq and the legacy of Che Guevara. Stay
with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: We return to our conversation with the Bolivian President Evo
Morales. The Bolivian Supreme Court recently asked the government to start
extradition proceedings for the former Bolivian President Gonzalo Sanchez de
Lozada, who lives here in the United States in Miami. They also asked for an
order for him not to be allowed to go to another country, but to be sent
back to Bolivia. I asked President Morales what the former president is
guilty of and whether he thinks the United States will extradite him.
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, the United States cannot,
should not receive, protect delinquents from any part of the world. It is
unconscionable that the United States, a democratic country, would be
protecting international criminals like Posada Carriles. The process has to
do with two issues: first of all, human rights, and second of all, for
economic damages done to the state. So people who massacre peoples, that
violate human rights and do economic damage to countries and their economies
have to go to jail. The United States shouldn't be sitting there waiting for
a process to be put into motion, but rather should kick these people out so
that they can be submitted to justice.
I hope the United States respects these norms and respects the decision of
our Supreme Court. But here, we have an experience. The last military
dictator was sent to jail. And since that time, in Bolivia, no member of the
military dares to threaten a coup d'etat. Likewise, any democratic
government that violates human rights, that massacres people or that does
economic damage to the state should also be subject to these sorts of
processes, and their leaders should be put in jail, so that they never dare
to do it again either.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Mr. President, you said a few moments ago that you'd rather
have protesters throwing rocks than using guns. In a few weeks, it will be
the fortieth anniversary of the death of Che Guevara. He died in Bolivia.
Looking back at it -- you were a child then -- what is your sense of the
legacy of Che Guevara to the people of Latin America?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] First of all, in the '40s, in the '50s,
in the '60s -- of course, when I hadn't been born yet -- my first perception
was that people rose up in arms to struggle against the empire. Now, I see
quite the opposite, that it's the empire that's raising up arms against the
peoples. What I think is that back then, that the peoples, they got
organized and struggled, looking for justice, for equality. And now I think
that these transformations, these structural transformations, are being
forged through democracies.
And from these two points of view, Che Guevara continues to be a symbol of
someone who gave his life for the peoples, when in Bolivia and in other
countries around the world reigned military dictatorships. So that's why
it's amazing to see that all over the world Che Guevara is still there,
forty years later. But now, we're living in other times. But to value and
recognize that thinking, that struggle, and if we recognize and we value it,
that doesn't mean it means to mechanically follow the steps that he took in
terms of military uprising.
And that's where, for example, I respect Fidel Castro. In 2003, I was
invited to a conference in Havana, Cuba. And Fidel said the following:
"Don't do what I've done. Do what Chavez is doing: transformations through a
constituent assembly." I think it was a good teaching, because we've seen
the constituent assemblies in Venezuela, in Ecuador and now in Bolivia, as
well, that through democracy we can achieve structural transformations.
AMY GOODMAN: What is the effect of the war on Iraq in Latin America, in
Bolivia, in particular?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] There is a feeling that leads to the
rejection, the repudiation of the United States government. This
intervention of the United States in Iraq helps anti-imperialist thinking
and feeling to grow. The pretext of fighting against terrorism and for
security, with this pretext, they intervene and create all these deaths. But
there are also other issues, economic issues, underlying it. I feel that
we're in a times of not looking to how to extinguish lives, but rather how
to save lives.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you about the issue of global warming. It's
become a major increasing discussion in many governments and around the
world. From the perspective of the indigenous people of Bolivia, the future
of the planet? And what policies must be adopted, especially by the
industrialized countries?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] So if globalization does not admit
difference and pluralism, if it's a selective globalization, therefore it
will be almost impossible to resolve environmental issues and save humanity.
The most important contribution that indigenous peoples can make is to live
in harmony with Mother Earth. We say the "Mother Earth," because the earth
gives us life, and neither the Mother Earth nor life can be a commodity. So
we're talking about a profound change in the economic models and systems.
AMY GOODMAN: Several years ago, Father Roy Bourgeois and others who founded
the anti-School of the Americas movement at Fort Benning, Georgia, asked
that -- came and visited you in the palace and asked that Bolivia not send
soldiers to train at the -- what used to be called the School of the
Americas, a place where Banzer, the dictator, had trained. Other countries
are considering this ban. I think Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, Costa Rica
have said they won't send soldiers. Will Bolivia?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] So, it's not just a question of not
sending people. Perhaps it would be better to shut the School of the
Americas. But I understand it's also part of the survival and continuation
of [inaudible] and to create a certain interventionist mindset.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask you perhaps a delicate question. You
mentioned earlier your admiration for Fidel Castro. Fidel, before he stepped
down, had been president for more than forty years, before he stepped down
from day-to-day administration in the Cuban government. President Chavez now
has been in office for two terms and is seeking to change the law to
maintain himself in office. Do you think that the leader of a country, no
matter how progressive, should have a limited amount of time in power?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] To put those kinds of limits may not be
the most democratic. Here, what's important is the conscience of a people.
And so, our proposal, there has to be a way to revoke leadership roles, but
also to ratify leadership, and this is for mayors, for governors, for
regional leaders, as well as for presidents. If they have the support of the
people, then they have every right to be ratified in power. And mayors,
governors and presidents, they can also be revoked, their mandates can be
revoked before they finish their terms, if that's the will of the people. In
fact, I'm seeing at this point that, through ratifying and returning people
to power, it actually becomes an incentive for them to do a good -- and
continue to do a good and better job in their municipalities at the
departmental levels in the positions that they hold, because the people have
valued their work, and that's why they're ratified. But when they are not
ratified, they take advantage of that fact, and they say, "OK, I'm on my way
out the door, so now is the time to steal, as my mandate is ending."
AMY GOODMAN: What is your assessment of President Bush?
PRESIDENT EVO MORALES: [translated] Why would I have to evaluate President
Bush? I respect your country. One concern that I have is that in Iran -- in
Iraq, the massacre of the people cannot continue. I think that this is
something that not only affects President Bush, but affects all the North
American people. I think that in this new millennium, we fundamentally
should be oriented towards saving lives and not ending lives. The
differences continentally between countries, between regions, these should
be discussed. And if there's not agreements between governments and their
presidents, why not submit these issues to the peoples to be decided upon?
This would be the best way to do democracy now.
AMY GOODMAN: Bolivian President Evo Morales. He speaks today to the UN
General Assembly.
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